Scandals as a medical policy substitute

Skinheads, richness indoors or surrogate of political

Perhaps the unstoppable career of political scandal with Socrates, who should have taken the youth of his time with state-hazardous vipals and had to drink the sheer mug for this misconduct. But what was due to a standard deviation of the community, is now recommended as a standard of political.

For the one one, it is a scandal, hundreds of thousands of battle to battle stem cells to cloning, discontinuing donations black, betrayed pension promises, publicly financed luxury and private travel to book as a minister of juvenile strabpfer days of copyrights to make criminal posters of the chancellor, Political opponents with (Neo) Nazistic thought empty between Skinheads and "Reichsenstandstandsideology" contaminate. Other moges do not hold that for scandal — and that will turn for those to the big scandal. Political ies that are not scandalous, are particularly scandalos among the media’s pramises of attention james, even if it is scandalos to admit. But it is not hyperskandalos if scandals now expect the political as a amoral permanent payment and devaluation? Anyway — the political world now seems to be everything the scandal is.

Paradox of scandal

But between real concern and hypocrisy, which fall into the heat of the media excitation, there are significant paradoxes for moral foundation lists of all the couleur: as about the "Pension" was criminalized with the help of criminal card photos, the unleashed moral discourse was quickly for involuntary role exchange. For accusers were defendant, from investigative bodies of democracy suspicious. The rapid insight into political Esceele then the attacked attackers then allegedly owed not to the angry political opponent, but — like CDU General Secretar Laurenz Meyer — the high morality of his own Wahler.

Now the General Secretar itself became a victim. Jurgen Trittin had certified Meyer in an interview the mental tatility of a skinhead because she was proud to be a German one like that hit. The CDU / CSU Group then requested in the Bundestag, Federal Minister of Trittin to dismiss because he "with its defamilent public statements to the Secretary-General of the CDU Germany, Laurenz Meyer, the commonality of the Democrats" have.

The boomeraine of political attacks beyond the harmony of the Democrats properly attacks attackers as defenders equally melts around the ears. TRITTINS MoralinBitterbose Abors against CDU General Secretar Meyer, allegedly "Foul" wanted to meet the involuntary election advertising of the green for the Christian Democrats, because such a goalkeeper criticism becomes a political survival question for the critic.

Politics in the media format of the scandal takes place party converter and with equal weapons. Compared to the Bavarian head of government Stoiber, especially the Politics of Agriculture Minister Kunast with the Natinonal Socialist agricultural policy, he has now drawn up the suspicion that he has booked as a federal luxury luxury instead of charter flowers. The National Socialist injustice state has been the negative film of Federal Republic of Politics since the beginning of the Republic. In such comparisons, but the ultima ratio of the moral destruction of the opponent, if not the club from the brown tribal history has been mounting so many hatred barbs even for the user. Thierse called Trittin’s attack as "Bose slip-up", Since in particular the parties in Parliament had agreed to refrain comparisons with brown terror.

The new atomization

The more "Complexity" has to be processed in political systems, the most outrageous the conditions become, the more scandals offer themselves as the latest cognitive bastions of world renewal. Scandals give the religious juice of a publicity defeated by ever new crisis explosions, which they lost in infinite jerk holders on a better world that does not want to be partout and partyprobilig. The formerly hopeful brochures of a double and triple-reflected declaration, politics is rationalizable at least in the consensus-oriented conversation of the public, failing on the chaos of the conditions, Vulgo: at an expertocracy, which not only the informational self-determination of the burger is completely required, but at the same time hopelessly surprises to restrict new salvation paths.

If politics is not increasingly being acceded to the reserve, which decide to decide what — talks to Heinz Forster — just not to decide? Politics were afterwards "The art of impossible", to act where all hope for cognitive or otherwise rationalizable decision criteria are in vain. If risk drops and scientific policy advice, bioethics commissions or ecological prognostics fail, however, a decision must be made, which might also meet, if not alone, the ritual of the political proceedings were excluded unequally more confidence in electants.

If the bullets can no longer be oriented in facts, for example pension formulas on the mathematical confusion that maths to each layman is morality becomes a cost-minded methador program of democracy. If the political parties between parties is not only in the mood view of the Wahler, the dispute as a moral event becomes the well-felt, the most massive the monstrous suspicion arises, that the participatory salary of democracies was suffering.

In this hour of a disgusting democracy relief, the scandal becomes for the footmill and media disease of a sampling public, which takes the foam in front of the mouth as a badge of moral concern as seriously as weighing the witch hammer the devil times. And the Federal Republican Scandal Society is accustomed to the funny paradox that the supposedly discursive processing of scandals does not engage the emotional heating of the public, but not sparked properly in order to fill in media nirvana.

Symbolic policy

Politicians know a virtue from their decision-making note and discovering Murray Edelmann according to the symbolic possibilities of their profession. This policy variety is staged above all as an instrument of feasible and who wants to decide what still political reality design and what is just glaze of foreign dynamic power. Whether wars, reunification, BSE, therapeutic cloning etc. — The ratio of political energy and deprived enforcement has become defused under global projects.

If policies themselves ceded by the representatives of Auguren, the hour of the moral rebirth of the uncertain burger in scandal. the "Minima Moralia" Giving the pretty-belated Wahler the policy as a funf-minute terrine access, which has the indisputable benefit to the indisputable benefit, progeny or statistics of government clarifications, the burger’s hunger to satisfactorily indicate in difficult conditions.

Also Jurgen Trittin’s Comparison of the CDU General Secretar with the Skinheads brings a single-dimensional policy model to touch and, above all, in its scandaloses. The highest environmental protection is contaminated the CDU General Secretar with a television and radioactive dose that can be radiated in the media until your half-life will seek the media protagonists in a hurry new fuel. Who would not be able to understand TRITTINS in any case immediately? In the metonym of media imagery Skinheads appear mainly in the moral "punctum" of jumpers, bomber jackets and barn. The world of boses becomes primarily "Below the belt line" represented and already rules the logic of a simple vexier game that released by each theorque political discussion.

We live in a political connotation culture, a media kingdom of the insignia, a pictographic world of the short-colored simplifications that ensure the acklamination or warning mode in moral fast method. So it does not come from about about that Trittin his "Sabel-Blank Attack" on the political opponent also with the grotesque reference to the bald Meyers rode. Seing is Believing — and so the political short circuit of the red in a picture-beled audience should be at least subliminal. Also, the meanwhile swelling bock singing, which was interrupted by the velvet, hurriedly caught Streetfige photos of the Juvenile Fisherman from the family album, celebrated in a dashing hazard rhetoric, which laid the content with emotions.

The loss of political

Nevertheless, the hysterical moralization of the Berlin Republic is more than irritating because the ratio of politics and morality is the history of a division. Politics is no moral enforcement and morale is not enough to make political decisions. Already not there is a recourse on a universalistic morality that politicians became facilitating the business to call a last instance that saves the true, good and feasible. Machiavelli stands for the tension between a state Rason, which releases from moral principles and a moral presentation, which in turn serves the higher goals of the state region.

Moral productions have brought politics in trouble, amoral action behind the facade moral to camouflage. Although the goods are comprehensible from survivoric reasons — such as the preservation of common good interests against individual interests — understandable, but one "amoral morality" or as Luhmann says a "high amorality", Fits at least one of the disgust profiles that the burger believes to require politics.

Burger Muhen Muhen mostly in vain, but sustainable, behind the symbolic productions to determine the moral of politicians, if it seems so difficult to impossible to indicate the moral potential of politics themselves. In their media preparation, politicians will consistently become the scrupulation subject of investigation of a moralizing public. At the same time, however, media counter-examinations, because attention gains are more important than media-moral graduation losses. Thus, for example, the Barschel Affare mutated in the course of investigations into an engolvolm affare, which finally held the moral entanglements but did not open the moral options depending on the fact of the fact.

Media Inquisition

The media examination mode ames the shape of the scandal, which makes political controls in the forior considerably easier than to research political decisions according to the structural effects of political decisions. If the politician is forced to the moral schaubuhne of his televisonar staging, it suffers from its structural resp. Institutional power, which previously relatively protected him prior to the recovery with the Wahler. Media do not know any spellings, but are not satisfied when their pore depth introspection of political physiognomies succeeds. The classic institutions such as parliaments, rules or parties may also be able to grove under the moral-medial prere to build the populist productions before their political work. If the power of mediologicalization is so significant to generate facts that promise political moods, political action becomes a secondary affair. If you were looking for an immorality of the media, the result is not the result that the media simply say the untruth, but to turn their beaming from the abstract value and priority catalogs of the catch to personalize politics.

Thus, the question becomes the question of whether a driver who has joined as a supry policemen, is more important than the question of which auxiliary policy is pursuing this community. This is fatal because so dormant problems are marginalized over the moralization of the politician and can be impaired. The media coding of all information and news in the Scheme Attention / Non-Affiliation is promoted to the supercode, which politicians bend or go down.

Surrogat of the political

The scandal becomes the surrogate of the political, which can not be sure of his public efficacy beyond hysteria and panic. The Ara Kohl stood primarily for the political invention of the "Expose", threatens to prescribe the Ara Schroder to the politicsthe ingenium of public excitation. In the design of this media directive competence, however, less of the chancellor enhanced legislature, but government and opposition cooperate here in hostile understanding.

Cooperation in the medial self-containing could be forgotten for a moment that the excitable protagonists are only the exponents of a media-running structure. It will be remembered here, after kausalitaten to find, if no remedies are in view of finishing the collusive interaction of political self-actors, media information appeal and public sensation hunger.

Moral empty theater

Informational Burger do not understand scandals regularly as a policy replacement drug, but understand the moral qualities of their representatives as the essence of politics themselves. If only in the sustainable use of the people’s representatives at the Burger of Faith, it was committed to the fact that politics is a dirty business, the scandal chronicle is swinging on the self-assessing discourse of democracy. A democracy that had lost the old ideological challenges, but also more concrete ideals of a liberal society is falling on the moral empty theater — and in. Media clearly clear in scandal only what is already decelerated — at all nothing. The discourse over Trittin’s new and Meyers old misconduct is so valuable for democracy like the boulevarde horoscope for the future of the reader.

If like Bundestagsprasident Thierse one calls on the political culture of the country, one complains a fair democratic handling style beyond the defamation of the political opponent, it is precisely the fact that the political culture becomes hypermoral in an unprecedented way. But the scandal is no longer able to certify that he is a social ritual, "the purifying and renewing function with regard to the preservation of fundamental values and standards of society", As Richard Munch still believed to be able to threaten a decade ago (dialectics of the communications company, Frankfurt / M. 1991, S. 92). If it were so, the permanent scandal defeated the social conditions had to be repeated by morally high-quality than they are encountered in scandal. The opposite is the case. The next scandal must take its operations if he wants to meet an exciting, but at the same time desensitized audiences at all at all of the moral striker.

Above all, scandals combine with consequencelessness. Head rolls rare, procedures are set and the anlevery boys in doubt settle from the postage port. The mechanism of scandal processing is banal: sorry, non-acceptance of apology, mutton jump in the parliamentary sandbox. Da Capo!


A structural policy is prove that the effects of political action are independent of intentions, motivations or the moral of the actors. Moraldis courses could be recognized as useless because they do not contribute to the structural explanation on society. Missing in privacy as in the ambient subsidies of politicians open up the culinary delights alone to decide whether this type of policy is sufficiently enough for moral mabs.

The ambivalence of moralization of politics and politicization of morality is escaping, if less the motivation of the acting as the moral of political structures is considered: MOGEN immoral politicians may be missheed people, they make their own external use and be overdies rhetorical ruel, in their Legal, institutional and practical bonds hold the damage within limits.

In the modification of a speber of Karl Kraus, politicians would like to call: see that there is no war, the pensions are secured, meat and river are not poisoned, so do the work, for which you will be well paid for the morality then we already. But this desire to measure goods because the relative glue acceptance promises of democracy can only be made as a hypermoral theater.

If the political is not moralizable, it was finally found that the moral potential of a society is quickly drying out when it comes to really vital interests of power attitude. But this is too often beyond the opposite Kasperletheater, the politician seem to lose their electors if they defamilize, resuming and putting on the mesh jump, because they are still forbidden to the final leap to the globules of the opponent.


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